History of the World/History of the World (Bureau Development, Inc.)(1992).BIN/dp/0195/01953.txt

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$Title{History Of The Conquest Of Mexico
Chapter IV. Montezuma's Deportment.}
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$Author{Prescott, William H.}
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Title:       History Of The Conquest Of Mexico
Book:        Book IV. Residence In Mexico.
Author:      Prescott, William H.

Chapter IV. Montezuma's Deportment.

His Life in the Spanish Quarters - Meditated Insurrection. - Lord of Tezcuco
Seized. - Further Measures of Cortes. (1520.)

     The settlement of La Villa Rica de Vera Cruz was of the last importance
to the Spaniards.  It was the port by which they were to communicate with
Spain; the strong post on which they were to retreat in case of disaster, and
which was to bridle their enemies and give security to their allies; the
point d'appui for all their operations in the country.  It was of great
moment, therefore, that the care of it should be intrusted to proper hands.

     A cavalier, named Alonso de Grado, had been sent by Cortes to take the
place made vacant by the death of Escalante.  He was a person of greater
repute in civil than military matters, and would be more likely, it was
thought, to maintain peaceful relations with the natives than a person of
more belligerent spirit.  Cortes made - what was rare with him - a bad
choice.  He soon received such accounts of troubles in the settlement from
the exactions and negligence of the new governor, that he resolved to
supersede him.

     He now gave the command to Gonzalo de Sandoval, a young cavalier, who
had displayed, through the whole campaign, singular intrepidity united with
sagacity and discretion; while the good-humour with which he bore every
privation, and his affable manners, made him a favourite with all, privates
as well as officers.  Sandoval accordingly left the camp for the coast.
Cortes did not mistake his man a second time.

     Notwithstanding the actual control exercised by the Spaniards through
their royal captive, Cortes felt some uneasiness when he reflected that it
was in the power of the Indians at any time to cut off his communications
with the surrounding country and hold him a prisoner in the capital He
proposed, therefore, to build two vessels of sufficient size to transport his
forces across the lake, and thus to render himself independent of the
causeways.  Montezuma was pleased with the idea of seeing those wonderful
"water-houses," of which he had heard so much, and readily gave permission to
have the timber in the royal forests felled for the purpose.  The work was
placed under the direction of Martin Lopez, an experienced shipbuilder.
Orders were also given to Sandoval to send up from the coast a supply of
cordage, sails, iron, and other necessary materials, which had been
judiciously saved on the destruction of the fleet. ^1

[Footnote 1: Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 96.]

     The Aztec emperor, meanwhile, was passing his days in the Spanish
quarters in no very different manner from what he had been accustomed to in
his own palace.  His keepers were too well aware of the value of their prize,
not to do everything which could make his captivity comfortable and disguise
it from himself.  But the chain will gall, though wreathed with roses.  After
Montezuma's breakfast, which was a light meal of fruits or vegetables, Cortes
or some of his officers usually waited on him, to learn if he had any
commands for them.  He then devoted some time to business.  He gave audience
to those of his subjects who had petitions to prefer or suits to settle.  The
statement of the party was drawn up on the hieroglyphic scrolls, which were
submitted to a number of counsellors or judges, who assisted him with their
advice on these occasions.  Envoys from foreign states or his own remote
provinces and cities were also admitted, and the Spaniards were careful that
the same precise and punctilious etiquette should be maintained towards the
royal puppet as when in the plenitude of his authority.

     After business was despatched, Montezuma often amused himself with seeing
the Castilian troops go through their military exercises. He, too, had been a
soldier, and in his prouder days had led armies in the field.  It was very
natural he should take an interest in the novel display of European tactics
and discipline.  At other times he would challenge Cortes or his officers to
play at some of the national games.  A favourite one was called totoloque,
played with golden balls aimed at a target or mark of the same metal.
Montezuma usually staked something of value, - precious stones or ingots of
gold.  He lost with good-humour; indeed, it was of little consequence whether
he won or lost, since he generally gave away his winnings to his attendants.
^1 He had, in truth, a most munificent spirit.  His enemies accused him of
avarice.  But, if he were avaricious, it could have been only that he might
have the more to give away.

[Footnote 1: Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 97.]

     Each of the Spaniards had several Mexicans, male and female, who
attended to his cooking and various other personal offices.  Cortes,
considering that the maintenance of this host of menials was a heavy tax on
the royal exchequer, ordered them to be dismissed, excepting one to be
retained for each soldier Montezuma, on learning this, pleasantly
remonstrated with the general on his careful economy, as unbecoming a royal
establishment, and, countermanding the order, caused additional
accommodations to be provided for the attendants, and their pay to be
doubled.

     On another occasion, a soldier purloined some trinkets of gold from the
treasure kept in the chamber, which, since Montezuma's arrival in the Spanish
quarters, had been reopened.  Cortes would have punished the man for the
theft, but the emperor, interfering, said to him, "Your countrymen are
welcome to the gold and other articles, if you will but spare those belonging
to the gods."  Some of the soldiers, making the most of his permission,
carried off several hundred loads of fine cotton to their quarters.  When
this was represented to Montezuma, he only replied, "What I have once given I
never take back again." ^1

[Footnote 1: Gomara, Cronica, cap. 84. - Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib.
8, cap. 4.]

     While thus indifferent to his treasures, he was keenly sensitive to
personal slight or insult.  When a common soldier once spoke to him angrily,
the tears came into the monarch's eyes, as it made him feel the true
character of his impotent condition.  Cortes, on becoming acquainted with it,
was so much incensed that he ordered the soldier to be hanged, but, on
Montezuma's intercession, commuted this severe sentence for a flogging.  The
general was not willing that any one but himself should treat his royal
captive with indignity.  Montezuma was desired to procure a further
mitigation of the punishment.  But he refused, saying, "that, if a similar
insult had been offered by any one of his subjects to Malinche, he would have
resented it in like manner." ^2

[Footnote 2: Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 8, cap. 5.]

     Such instances of disrespect were very rare.  Montezuma's amiable and
inoffensive manners, together with his liberality, the most popular of
virtues with the vulgar, made him generally beloved by the Spaniards. ^3  The
arrogance for which he had been so distinguished in his prosperous days
deserted him in his fallen fortunes.  His character in captivity seems to
have undergone something of that change which takes place in the wild animals
of the forest when caged within the walls of the menagerie.

[Footnote 3: "En esto era tan bien mirado, que todos le queriamos con gran
amor, porque verdaderamente era gran senor en todas las cosas que le viamos
hazer." Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap, 100.]

     The Indian monarch knew the name of every man in the army, and was
careful to discriminate his proper rank. ^4  For some he showed a strong
partiality.  He obtained from the general a favourite page, named Orteguilla,
who, being in constant attendance on his person, soon learned enough of the
Mexican language to be of use to his countrymen.  Montezuma took great
pleasure, also, in the society of Velasquez de Leon, the captain of his
guard, and Pedro de Alvarado, Tonatiuh, or "the Sun," as he was called by the
Aztecs, from his yellow hair and sunny countenance.  The sunshine, as events
afterwards showed, could sometimes be the prelude to a terrible
tempest.

[Footnote 4: "Y el bien conocia a todos, y sabia nuestros nombres, y
aun calidades, y era tan bueno que a todos nos daua joyas, a otros mantas e
Indias hermosas."  Ibid., cap. 97.]

     Notwithstanding the care taken to cheat him of the tedium of captivity,
the royal prisoner cast a wistful glance, now and then, beyond the walls of
his residence to the ancient haunts of business or pleasure.  He intimated a
desire to offer up his devotions at the great temple, where he was once so
constant in his worship.  The suggestion startled Cortes.  It was too
reasonable, however, for him to object to it without wholly discarding the
appearances which he was desirous to maintain.  But he secured Montezuma's
return by sending an escort with him of a hundred and fifty soldiers under
the same resolute cavaliers who had aided in his seizure.  He told him, also,
that in case of any attempt to escape his life would instantly pay the
forfeit.  Thus guarded, the Indian prince visited the teocalli, where he was
received with the usual state, and, after performing his devotions, he
returned again to his quarters. ^1

[Footnote 1: Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 98.]

     It may well be believed that the Spaniards did not neglect the
opportunity afforded by his residence with them, of instilling into him some
notions of the Christian doctrine.  Fathers Diaz and Olmedo exhausted all
their battery of logic and persuasion to shake his faith in his idols, but in
vain.  He, indeed, paid a most edifying attention, which gave promise of
better things.  But the conferences always closed with the declaration that
"the God of the Christians was good, but the gods of his own country were the
true gods for him." ^2  It is said, however, they extorted a promise from him
that he would take part in no more human sacrifices.  Yet such sacrifices
were of daily occurrence in the great temples of the capital; and the people
were too blindly attached to their bloody abominations for the Spaniards to
deem it safe, for the present at least, openly to interfere.

[Footnote 2: According to Solis, the Devil closed his heart against these good
men; though, in the historian's opinion, there is no evidence that this evil
counsellor actually appeared and conversed with Montezuma after the Spaniards
had displayed the Cross in Mexico.  Conquista, lib. 3, cap. 20.]

      Montezuma showed, also, an inclination to engage in the pleasures of the
chase, of which he once was immoderately fond.  He had large forests reserved
for the purpose on the other side of the lake.  As the Spanish brigantines
were now completed, Cortes proposed to transport him and his suite across the
water in them.  They were of a good size, strongly built.  The largest was
mounted with four falconets, or small guns.  It was protected by a
gaily-coloured awning stretched over the deck, and the royal ensign of
Castile floated proudly from the mast.  On board of this vessel, Montezuma,
delighted with the opportunity of witnessing the nautical skill of the white
men, embarked with a train of Aztec nobles and a numerous guard of Spaniards.
A fresh breeze played on the waters, and the vessel soon left behind it the
swarms of light pirogues which darkened their surface.  She seemed like a
thing of life in the eyes of the astonished natives, who saw her, as if
disdaining human agency, sweeping by with snowy pinions as if on the wings of
the wind, while the thunders from her sides, now for the first time breaking
on the silence of this "island sea," showed that the beautiful phantom was
clothed in terror. ^3

[Footnote 3: Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 9. - Rel. Seg. de
Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 88.]

     The royal chase was well stocked with game; some of which the emperor
shot with arrows, and others were driven by the numerous attendants into
nets. ^4  In these woodland exercises, while he ranged over his wild domain,
Montezuma seemed to enjoy again the sweets of liberty.  It was but the shadow
of liberty, however; as in his quarters, at home, he enjoyed but the shadow
of royalty.  At home or abroad, the eye of the Spaniard was always upon him.

[Footnote 4: He sometimes killed his game with a tube, a sort of air-gun,
through which he blew little balls at birds and rabbits.  "La Caca a que
Motecuma iba por la Laguna, era a tirar a Pajaros, a Conejos, con Cerbatana,
de la qual era diestro."  Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 8, cap. 4.]

     But, while he resigned himself without a struggle to his inglorious
fate, there were others who looked on it with very different emotions.  Among
them was his nephew Cacama, lord of Tezcuco, a young man not more than
twenty-five years of age, but who enjoyed great consideration from his high
personal qualities, especially his intrepidity of character.  He was the same
prince who had been sent by Montezuma to welcome the Spaniards on their
entrance into the Valley; and, when the question of their reception was first
debated in the council, he had advised to admit them honourably as ambassadors
of a foreign prince, and, if they should prove different from what they
pretended, it would be time enough then to take up arms against them.  That
time, he thought, had now come.

     In a former part of this work, the reader has been made acquainted with
the ancient history of the Acolhuan or Tezcucan monarchy, once the proud
rival of the Aztec in power, and greatly its superior in civilization. ^1
Under its last sovereign, Nezahuilpilli, its territory is said to have been
grievously clipped by the insidious practices of Montezuma, who fomented
dissensions and insubordination among his subjects.  On the death of the
Tezcucan prince, the succession was contested, and a bloody war ensued
between his eldest son, Cacama, and an ambitious younger brother,
Ixtlilxochitl.  This was followed by a partition of the kingdom, in which the
latter chieftain held the mountain districts north of the capital, leaving
the residue to Cacama.  Though shorn of a large part of his hereditary
domain, the city was itself so important that the lord of Tezcuco still held
a high rank among the petty princes of the Valley.  His capital, at the time
of the Conquest, contained, according to Cortes, a hundred and fifty thousand
inhabitants. ^2  It was embellished with noble buildings, rivalling those of
Mexico itself, and the ruins still to be met with on its ancient site attest
that it was once the abode of princes. ^3

[Footnote 1: Ante, Book I. chap. 6.]

[Footnote 2: "E llamase esta Ciudad Tezcuco, y sera de hasta treinta mil
Vecinos."  (Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 94.)  According to the licentiate
Zuazo, double that number, - sesenta mil Vecinos.  (Carta, MS.)  Scarcely
probable, as Mexico had no more.  Toribio speaks of it as covering a league
one way by six another!  (Hist. de los Indios, MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.)  This
must include the environs to a considerable extent.  The language of the old
chroniclers is not the most precise.]

[Footnote 3: A description of the capital in its glory is thus given by an
eyewitness.  "Esta Ciudad era la segunda cosa principal de la tierra, y asi
habia en Tezcuco muy grandes edificios de templos del Demonio, y muy gentiles
casas y aposentos de Senores, entre los cuales, fue muy cosa de ver la casa
del Senor principal, asi la vieja con su huerta cercada de mas de mil cedros
muy grandes y muy hermosos, de los cuales hoy dia estan los mas en pie, aunque
la casa esta asolada, otra casa tenia que se podia aposentar en ella un
egercito, con muchos jardines, y un muy grande estanque, que por debajo de
tierra solian entrar a el con barcas."  (Toribio, Hist. de los Indios, MS.,
Parte 3, cap. 7.)  The last relics of this palace were employed in the
fortifications of the city in the revolutionary war of 1810.  (Ixtlilxochitl,
Venida de los Esp., p. 78, nota.)  Tezcuco is now an insignificant little
place, with a population of a few thousand inhabitants.  Its architectural
remains, as still to be discerned, seem to have made a stronger impression on
Mr. Bullock than on most travellers.  Six Months in Mexico, chap. 27.]

     The young Tezcucan chief beheld with indignation and no slight contempt
the abject condition of his uncle.  He endeavoured to rouse him to manly
exertion, but in vain.  He then set about forming a league with several of
the neighbouring caciques to rescue his kinsman and to break the detested
yoke of the strangers.  He called on the lord of Iztapalapan, Montezuma's
brother, the lord of Tlacopan, and some others of most authority, all of whom
entered heartily into his views.  He then urged the Aztec nobles to join
them; but they expressed an unwillingness to take any step not first
sanctioned by the emperor. ^1  They entertained, undoubtedly, a profound
reverence for their master; but it seems probable that jealousy of the
personal views of Cacama had its influence on their determination.  Whatever
were their motives, it is certain that by this refusal they relinquished the
best opportunity ever presented for retrieving their sovereign's independence
and their own.

[Footnote 1: "Cacama reprehendio asperamente a la Nobleza Mexicana porque
consentia hacer semejantes desacatos a quatro Estrangeros y que no les
mataban; se escusaban con decirles les iban a la mano y no les consentian
tomar las Armas para libertarlo, y tomar si una tan gran deshonra como era la
que los Estrangeros les habian hecho en prender a su senor, y quemar a
Quauhpopocatzin, los demas sus Hijos y Deudos sin culpa, con las Armas y
Municion que tenian para la defenza y guarda de la ciudad, y de su autoridad
tomar para si los tesoros del Rey, y de los Dioses, y otras libertades y
desverguenzas que cada dia pasaban, y aunque todo esto vehian lo disimulaban
por no enojar a Motecuhzoma que tan amigo y casado estaba con ellos."
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 86.]

     These intrigues could not be conducted so secretly as not to reach the
ears of Cortes, who, with his characteristic promptness, would have marched
at once on Tezcuco and trodden out the spark of "rebellion" ^2 before it had
time to burst into a flame.  But from this he was dissuaded by Montezuma, who
represented that Cacama was a man of resolution, backed by a powerful force,
and not to be put down without a desperate struggle.  He consented,
therefore, to negotiate, and sent a message of amicable expostulation to the
cacique.  He received a haughty answer in return.  Cortes rejoined in a more
menacing tone, asserting the supremacy of his own sovereign, the emperor of
Castile.  To this Cacama replied, "He acknowledged no such authority; he knew
nothing of the Spanish sovereign or his people, nor did he wish to know
anything of them." ^3  Montezuma was not more successful in his application to
Cacama to come to Mexico and allow him to mediate his differences with the
Spaniards, with whom he assured the prince he was residing as a friend.  But
the young lord of Tezcuco was not to be so duped.  He understood the position
of his uncle, and replied "that when he did visit his capital it would be to
rescue it, as well as the emperor himself, and their common gods, from
bondage.  He should come, not with his hand in his bosom, but on his sword, -
to drive out the detested strangers who had brought such dishonour on their
country!" ^4

[Footnote 2: It is the language of Cortes.  "Y este senor se rebelo, assi
contra el servicio de Vuestra Alteza, a quien se habia ofrecido, como contra
el dicho Muteczuma."  Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 95. - Voltaire, with is
quick eye for the ridiculous, notices this arrogance in his tragedy of
Alzire: -

     "Tu vois de ces tyrans la fureur despotique:
     Ils pensent que pour eux le Ciel fit l' Amerique,
     Qu'ils en sont nes les Rois; et Zamore a leurs yeux
     Tout souverain qu'il fut, n'est qu'un seditieux."]

[Footnote 3: Gomara, Cronica, cap 91.]

[Footnote 4: "I que para reparar la Religion, i restituir los Dioses, guardar
el Reino, cobrar la fama, i libertad a el, i a Mexico, iria de mui buena gana,
mas no las manos en el seno, sino en la Espada, para matar los Espanoles, que
tanta mengua, i afrenta havian hecho a la Nacion de Culhua." Ibid., cap. 91.]

     Cortes, incensed at this tone of defiance, would again have put himself
in motion to punish it, but Montezuma interposed with his more politic arts.
He had several of the Tezcucan nobles, he said, in his pay; ^1 and it would be
easy, through their means, to secure Cacama's person, and thus break up the
confederacy, at once, without bloodshed.  The maintaining of a corps of
stipendiaries in the courts of neighbouring princes was a refinement which
showed that the Western barbarian understood the science of political
intrigue as well as some of his royal brethren on the other side of the
water.

[Footnote 1: "Pero que el tenia en su Tierra de el dicho Cacamazin muchas
Personas Principales, que vivian con el, y les daba su salario."  Rel.
Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 95.]

     By the contrivance of these faithless nobles, Cacama was induced to hold
a conference, relative to the proposed invasion, in a villa which overhung
the Tezcucan lake, not far from his capital.  Like most of the principal
edifices, it was raised so as to admit the entrance of boats beneath it.  In
the midst of the conference, Cacama was seized by the conspirators, hurried
on board a bark in readiness for the purpose, and transported to Mexico.
When brought into Montezuma's presence, the high-spirited chief abated
nothing of his proud and lofty bearing.  He taxed his uncle with his perfidy,
and a pusillanimity so unworthy of his former character and of the royal
house from which he was descended.  By the emperor he was referred to Cortes,
who, holding royalty but cheap in an Indian prince, put him in fetters. ^2

[Footnote 2: Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 95, 96. - Oviedo, Hist.
de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 8. - Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap.
86. - The latter author dismisses the capture of Cacama with the comfortable
reflection "that it saved the Spaniards much embarrassment, and greatly
facilitated the introduction of the Catholic faith."]

     There was at this time in Mexico a brother of Cacama, a stripling much
younger than himself.  At the instigation of Cortes, Montezuma, pretending
that his nephew had forfeited the sovereignty by his late rebellion, declared
him to be deposed, and appointed Cuicuitzca in his place.  The Aztec
sovereigns had always been allowed a paramount authority in questions
relating to the succession.  But this was a most unwarrantable exercise of
it.  The Tezcucans acquiesced, however, with a ready ductility, which showed
their allegiance hung but lightly on them, or, what is more probable, that
they were greatly in awe of the Spaniards; and the new prince was welcomed
with acclamations to his capital. ^3

[Footnote 3: Cortes calls the name of this prince Cucuzca.  (Rel. Seg., ap.
Lorenzana, p. 96.)  In the orthography of Aztec words, the general was
governed by his ear, and was wrong nine times out of ten. - Bustamante, in
his catalogue of Tezcucan monarchs, omits him altogether.  He probably
regards him as an intruder, who had no claim to be ranked among the rightful
sovereigns of the land.  (Galeria de antiguos Principes (Puebla, 1821),
p. 21.)  Sahagun has, in like manner, struck his name from the royal roll of
Tezcuco.  Hist. de Nueva-Espana, lib. 8, cap. 3.]

     Cortes still wanted to get into his hands the other chiefs who had
entered into the confederacy with Cacama.  This was no difficult matter.
Montezuma's authority was absolute, everywhere but in his own palace.  By his
command, the caciques were seized each in his own city, and brought in chains
to Mexico, where Cortes placed them in strict confinement with their
leader. ^4

[Footnote 4: The exceeding lenity of the Spanish commander on this occasion,
excited general admiration, if we are to credit Solis, throughout the Aztec
empire!  "Tuvo notable aplauso en todo el imperio este genero de castigo sin
sangre, que se atribuyo al superior juicio de los Espanoles, porque no
esperaban de Motezuma semejante moderacion." Conquista, lib. 4, cap. 2.]

     He had now triumphed over all his enemies.  He had set his foot on the
necks of princes; and the great chief of the Aztec empire was but a
convenient tool in his hands for accomplishing his purposes.  His first use
of this power was to ascertain the actual resources of the monarchy.  He sent
several parties of Spaniards, guided by the natives, to explore the regions
where gold was obtained.  It was gleaned mostly from the beds of rivers,
several hundred miles from the capital.

     His next object was to learn if there existed any good natural harbour
for shipping on the Atlantic coast, as the road of Vera Cruz left no
protection against the tempests that at certain seasons swept over these
seas.  Montezuma showed him a chart on which the shores of the Mexican Gulf
were laid down with tolerable accuracy. ^1  Cortes, after carefully inspecting
it, sent a commission, consisting of ten Spaniards, several of them pilots,
and some Aztecs, who descended to Vera Cruz and made a careful survey of the
coast for nearly sixty leagues south of that settlement, as far as the great
river Coatzacualco, which seemed to offer the best - indeed, the only -
accommodations for a safe and suitable harbour.  A spot was selected as the
site of a fortified post, and the general sent a detachment of a hundred and
fifty men under Velasquez de Leon to plant a colony there.

[Footnote 1: Rel. Seg. de Cortes, ap. Lorenzana, p. 91.]

     He also obtained a grant of an extensive tract of land in the fruitful
province of Oaxaca, where he proposed to lay out a plantation for the crown.
He stocked it with the different kinds of domesticated animals peculiar to
the country, and with such indigenous grains and plants as would afford the
best articles for export.  He soon had the estate under such cultivation that
he assured his master, the emperor Charles the Fifth, it was worth twenty
thousand ounces of gold. ^2

[Footnote 2: "Damus quae dant," says Martyr, briefly, in reference to this
valuation.  (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 3.)  Cortes notices the reports made
by his people, of large and beautiful edifices in the province of Oaxaca.
(Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 89.)  It is here, also, that some of the most
elaborate specimens of Indian architecture are still to be seen, in the
ruins of Mitla.]